【每日國際選讀】
你知道嗎?2020全球最先開打的職棒球賽在台灣
而且還只有「假球迷」?
開啟「接收通知」和「搶先看」每天吸收雙語時事新知
來讀華爾街日報獨家
🔥 Baseball Is Back in Taiwan—With Cardboard Cutouts Instead of Fans
台灣職棒球季開打:只見人型立牌不見球迷
- cardboard cutouts 人型立牌
✍️ cardboard是厚紙板,cutout是剪下的圖樣(尤指可豎立起來的)
,合起來就是生活常見的「人型立牌」
⚾️ The Chinese Professional Baseball League is one of the only pro sports leagues in the world currently operating. They even have bench-clearing brawls.
新冠疫情下,中華職棒是全球少數可正常開季的職業體育聯盟,甚至還發生清空板凳的大亂鬥。
- Chinese Professional Baseball League (CPBL) 中華職業棒球大聯盟,簡稱中華職棒、中職
- brawl鬥毆、大打出手
✍️ bench-clearing brawl(清空板凳的大亂鬥)可說是職棒文化的一塊,激烈的比賽中難免有衝突發生,「清空板凳」指的是衝突發生時,雙方球員都衝出休息區,在球場上對峙的狀況。
😝 There are no spectators, save for cheerleaders and the fake fans in the seats. But it’s baseball nonetheless. And for the players adjusting to their strange new reality, it’s proof that sports behind closed doors is better than no sports at all.
除了啦啦隊和「假」球迷之外,觀眾席上沒有任何球迷,但球賽仍正常進行。對球員來說,雖然要適應「奇特」的球賽氛圍,但能閉門比賽還是比完全休季沒球打來得好。
- spectator(體育賽事的)觀眾
✍️audience比較常指「觀賞音樂性表演或演說」的聽眾,而「電視的收視觀眾」則較常用viewer。
- behind closed doors 直覺會讓人想到中文的「閉門造車」,但其實就是「秘密地,不公開地」的意思
✍️常見的還有close-door meeting 閉門會議(不對外公開的保密會議)
✨ People are seeing it, not just in Taiwan, but in the U.S. Eleven Sports Taiwan has been live-streaming an English-language version of some games. A broadcast of the Monkeys taking on the Fubon Guardians on Twitter earlier this month that began early in the morning in the U.S., drew more than a million views.
不僅台灣球迷可以欣賞到球賽,台灣壹拾壹體育網(Eleven Sports Taiwan)透過線上直播,用英語轉播部分球賽,讓美國的觀眾也能共襄盛舉。本月初在推特上轉播的樂天桃猿對上富邦悍將的球賽,吸引了超過一百萬次的觀看數。
- live-streaming 線上直播
- Monkeys 指的是 Rakuten Monkeys 樂天桃猿(球隊名)
- Fubon Guardians 富邦悍將(球隊名)
- draw 吸引,引起(興趣、注意)
✍️ 這裡的drew可不是畫畫的意思喔,而是「吸引」,常見的表達如draw someone’s attention(吸引某人的注意力)
未完待續...
雖然沒有球迷進場,但你可能會問:那球員呢?
球團又是如何防疫的?
加入文末每日國際選讀計畫,解鎖完整語音導讀版
p.s. 本文的圖片是樂天桃猿隊的投手Ryan Carpenter在觀眾席上擺著未婚妻臉孔的立牌。
Ryan Carpenter, a pitcher for the Rakuten Monkeys, poses with cutouts of his fiancée’s face in the stands.
——
原文連結請看留言
——
❓Quiz: The baseball players from both teams went into a ____ because of a hit-by-pitch. The ___ were also fired up.
因為觸身球,雙方球員都衝出休息區,上演一場清空板凳的大亂鬥,而觀眾們的情緒也跟著被帶到了最高點。
🙋🏻♀️🙋🏼♀️
A. bros/Super Mario
B. bench-clearing fight/spectacular
C. bench-clearing brawl/spectators
-
【每日商業英文計畫,反應熱烈延長優惠!】
#獨家 華爾街日報訂閱超值方案 📰
專屬 Line 群組,浩爾 #每日語音導讀
目前已超過 #百人 加入,倒數 3 天,再等就沒了 🤭
「留言+1」,就送你 #優惠碼 及 #導讀試聽!
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過4萬的網紅韓國餐桌 lazy Korean cooking,也在其Youtube影片中提到,* 中文字幕/ chinese sub,請按影片右下角的CC(手機上是影片最右上角)* A quick and easy recipe in which you need only 20 minutes of hands-on-time while letting mother nature tak...
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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
adjusting to中文 在 韓國餐桌 lazy Korean cooking Youtube 的最佳貼文
* 中文字幕/ chinese sub,請按影片右下角的CC(手機上是影片最右上角)*
A quick and easy recipe in which you need only 20 minutes of hands-on-time while letting mother nature takes care of the rest. Kimchi in a nutshell? It is a Korean dish made with salted, fermented vegetables. Kimchi is packed with Korean flavors like garlic, chili & ginger as well as full of healthy probiotics! If you want to add an easy spicy kick to your meal, this is the one for you.
Welcome to adjust spiciness exactly as you like, by adjusting the amount of chili powder. You can eat it fresh directly after making, or keep it in the fridge for a few days to a few weeks before serving. Fermentation enhances taste and aroma, as well as extending shelf life.
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? If you enjoyed this video help others enjoy it by adding captions in your native language -
✅ Secrets for crunchy cucumber kimchi:
1. choose small and firm instead of big and soft
2. cut off blossom ends of a cucumber
3. pour over salty "boiling water" for soaking
4. drain the water out properly
✅ YOU WILL NEED:
4 cucumbers
1/2 small onion
1/5 carrot
20g chive
4 tablespoons Korean chili powder (고추가루 guchu garu)
2 tablespoons of fish sauce (멸치액젓 myulchi aekjeot )
2 teaspoons minced garlic
1 teaspoon ginger
1.5 tablespoons green plum syrup (매실청 Maesil chung)
*if not available, use '2 tablespoons of grated apple + 1 teaspoon sugar',
or just '2 teaspoons of sugar' instead
1/2 tablespoon sugar
1 tablespoon roasted sesame seed
"I will always choose a lazy person to do a difficult job because
a lazy person will find an easy way to do it" - Bill Gates
✅ Let's connect:
Instagram - lazy Korean cooking
Facebook - 在台北的韓國餐桌
Blog (中文/in Chinese)- http://hanguoliaoli.pixnet.net/blog
✅ 料理書 Cook book in Chinese
#在台北的韓國餐桌
#金自然的韓國餐桌
✅ Recommended playlists:
#Korean soup/stew 韓式湯鍋食譜-https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLoe7n7t-aBf1u_VbhFOay7FWODjPpRUD2
#Korean side dish (반찬 banchan) 韓式小菜食譜-https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLoe7n7t-aBf2NfX2VVuaBF7za-xGozwuS
#Korean #Vegan recipe 韓式素食食譜-https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLoe7n7t-aBf2QRpz1HM4vyJqFWCs9Lg-B
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*中文字幕/ chinese sub,請按影片右下角的CC(手機上是影片最右上角)*
✅ “剛剛好”黃瓜泡菜 l 目標? 爽脆好吃到最後一口
快速簡便的黃瓜泡菜食譜,你只需要動手20分鐘,接著就讓大自然照顧你剩下的一切。泡菜充滿了韓國風味,如大蒜,辣椒和薑及健康的益生菌!如果你想在用餐時添加一點辣勁(spicy kick),快來一起動手做吧!
完全可以根據自己的喜好調節辣椒粉的用量。做完後你可以直接吃,也可以將其在冰箱中放置幾天至幾週後再食用。發酵可增強味道和香氣,並延長保存期限。新影片很快會再跟你們見面哦~
? 如果你喜歡我的影片,請你訂閱-
多多按like鼓勵我,這對我來說意義重大,你的支持,讓我很開心喔。
✅ 脆皮黃瓜泡菜的秘密:
1. 選擇小而硬而不是大而軟
2. 切斷黃瓜花的末端
3. 倒入鹹的“開水”中浸泡
4. 完全瀝乾鹽水
✅ 你需要:
黃瓜 4個
小洋蔥 1/2個
黃蘿蔔 1/5個
韮菜 20g
辣椒粉 4大匙 (고추가루 guchu garu)
魚露 2大匙 (멸치액젓 myulchi aekjeot )
蒜泥 2小匙
薑 1小匙
梅實清 1.5大匙(如果沒有,可以用2大匙蘋果泥和1小匙糖代替,或是只2小匙的糖代替
糖 1/2大匙
芝麻 1大匙
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